However, given that the amount of nuclear fuel needed for the power generation sector is far greater than that required to maintain a nuclear weapons programme and that India`s estimated uranium reserves represent only 1% of the world`s world-known uranium reserves, NSG`s uranium export restrictions mainly concerned India`s nuclear production capacity. In particular, the NSG sanctions call into question India`s long-term plans to expand and power its civilian nuclear generation capacity from its current power of about 4 GWe (GigaWatt of electricity) to a power of 20 GWe by 2020; In the event that the proposed extension has allowed the use of conventional heavy water and light water plants running on uranium/plutonium. The U.S. House of Representatives passed legislation authorizing the agreement on September 28, 2008.  Two days later, India and France concluded a similar nuclear pact that made France the first country to conclude such an agreement with India.  On October 1, 2008, the United States approved the Civil Nuclear Agreement, which allows India to buy and sell nuclear fuel and technology in the United States.   On October 8, 2008, U.S. President George W. Bush signed the Indo-U.S. Nuclear Agreement Act, now called the United States-India Nuclear Cooperation Approval and Non-Proliferation Enhancement Act.  The agreement was signed on October 10 by Pranab Mukherjee, then India`s foreign minister, and his counterpart Condoleezza Rice.
  September 18, 2008: The Senate Foreign Relations Committee launches a crucial hearing on the Indo-US nuclear deal. The exploitation of India`s eight unguarded PHWRs under such a [conservative] regime would leave New Delhi with between 12,135 and 13,370 kilograms of military plutonium, which is enough to produce between 2,023 and 2,228 nuclear weapons beyond those already present in India`s arsenal. Although no Indian analyst, let alone a politician, has ever supported a nuclear inventory that comes even roughly close to such figures, this heuristic exercise confirms that New Delhi is capable of producing a gigantic nuclear arsenal while living in the lowest estimates of its known uranium reserves. Dr. Kaveh L. Afrasiabi, who taught political science at Tehran University, argued that the deal would set a new precedent for other states, adding that the deal was a diplomatic blessing for Tehran.  Ali Ashgar Soltanieh, Deputy Director General of Iranian International and Political Affairs, complained that the agreement could undermine the credibility, integrity, and universality of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Pakistan argues that the safeguard agreement “threatens to increase the chances of a nuclear arms race in the subcontinent.”  Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi has proposed to consider his country for such an agreement, and Pakistan has also stated that the same process “should be available as a model for other non-NPT countries.”  On July 19, 2010, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton countered Pakistani claims by claiming that Pakistan`s turbulent history of nuclear proliferation “throws red flags” when it comes to nuclear cooperation with Pakistan.  Israel cites the Indo-US. The civil nuclear deal, which sets a precedent for changing the Rules of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) for the construction of its first nuclear power plant in the Negev Desert, and also insists that its own commercial waivers be taken.
 First published: May 17, 2016 | Last updated:August 12, 2020 The deal, strongly supported by the White House, is seen as a big win for George W. . . .